brad brace

9/25/2008

Russia to modernize Nicaraguan military’s arsenal

Filed under: military, nicaragua — admin @ 4:25 am

Russia’s ambassador to Managua said Wednesday that his country will replace the Nicaraguan army’s aging weaponry.

Ambassador Igor S. Kondrashev said there are no plans, however, to expand the Central American country’s military arsenal.

Nicaragua acquired most of its arms and military equipment from the former Soviet Union in the 1980s, when the leftist Sandinista government was fighting U.S.-backed rebels. The army has insisted it needs new helicopters and Navy ships to patrol Caribbean waters, where there is a boundary dispute with Colombia.

Kondrashev made the comments in an interview with Canal 8 TV station, but he did not say if Russia would ask for financial compensation or would simply replace the equipment as a gift to Nicaragua — which was one of the first nations to support Russia in its war against Georgia.

Kondrashev applauded President Daniel Ortega’s government for formally recognizing the independence of the Russian-backed breakaway Georgian republics of South Ossetia and Abkhazia on Sept. 5.

Kondrashev also did not say the plans included replacement of Nicaragua’s shoulder-fired SAM-7 missiles. The United States has been trying to negotiate destruction of those weapons to keep them from landing in terrorists’ hands.

Last year, Ortega promised to destroy more than 650 of Nicaragua’s remaining 1,051 Soviet-made missiles in exchange for hospital equipment and medicine from the United States.

Russia also has been building military ties with Ortega’s ally, Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez.

Kondrashev said a group of Russian experts would visit Nicaragua next month to identify other potential joint projects, including petroleum exploration in the Caribbean and the Pacific Ocean and the construction of roads and bridges.

8/7/2008

Nicaraguan lobster divers risk lives

Filed under: global islands, nicaragua, resource — admin @ 4:06 am


Nicaragua is one of the last places where commercial lobster diving is allowed despite tragic results.

PUERTO CABEZAS, Nicaragua — Milton Periera sits in a wooden wheelchair fitted with hand pedals, watching the lobster boats appear on the gray horizon.

They are bringing the first lobster harvest in since last year’s Category 5 Hurricane Felix plowed through this impoverished port town on Nicaragua’s Caribbean coast.

Periera used to plunge as deep as 140 feet, up to 15 times, for lobster, all of which ended up on the plates of Americans. During season, he earned up to $200 a day snatching lobster from the seabed, making a small fortune in one of the poorest parts of the world.

After one particularly deep dive, he felt a squeezing in his chest. Decompression sickness overtook him, and his legs went numb.

”Maybe I’ll walk again, but who knows when that will be,” says the 26-year-old paraplegic.

As many as 5,000 Nicaraguan men — most of them indigenous Miskitos — risk their lives each year in Nicaragua’s commercial lobster industry, taking on the increasingly perilous task of plucking ”red gold” from the Caribbean. Amid widespread overexploitation, divers are heading farther out into the high seas, and diving deeper to bring in the harvest.

According to the local divers’ union, there are as many as 800 debilitated or paralyzed divers living in Nicaragua, and the death toll of those who suffered health complications related to decompression sickness has reached 200 since 1990. Though the Nicaraguan government plans to phase out lobster diving within three years, it’s one of the last places on Earth where commercial lobster diving is allowed despite such tragic results.

`ENDEMIC DISEASE’

Chuck Carr, a marine biologist from the Gainesville-based Wildlife Conservation Society, who specializes in Central America, said decompression sickness is an ”endemic disease” on the Mosquito coast.

”It’s abuse of natural resources, of human beings. It’s a scandal,” said Carr. “Nicaragua is notorious for this syndrome of diving without regard for dive tables, to the extent that people get bends on a mass basis. Nobody has ever seen anything like it.”

As Nicaragua’s economically devastated North Atlantic Autonomous Region (RAAN) tries to recover from the disastrous effects of Felix, more divers are expected to head out to sea this year to earn desperately needed cash.

”The only income that comes into this town is through the buzos [divers],” said Dr. Francisco Selvas, who treats divers with the bends at the Nuevo Amanacer hospital in Puerto Cabezas, home to Nicaragua’s only decompression chamber.

The Nicaraguan Fishing Institute’s solution is to lure lobster divers into the fishing industry. The Nicaraguan Congress just approved $17 million in World Bank financing that includes funds for small fishermen recovering from the hurricane, says the institute’s director, Steadman Fagoth. When it swept through last September, Felix wreaked havoc on Nicaragua’s fish export industry, which dropped 11 percent to $90 million last year, according to the Central Bank.

”It is more profitable and they can be more independent,” Fagoth said of the divers, adding that the country’s maritime territory — expanded last year in a territorial dispute settlement suit with Honduras — houses 6,000 metric tons and 57 species of exportable fish, a largely untapped resource.

ASKING FOR TROUBLE

But lobster industry insiders like lobster exporter Fabio Robelo say cutting off the main source of income would be asking for trouble. On several occasions throughout the Caribbean, violent riots have broken out in the wake of the hurricane.

On Corn Islands, the pair of Caribbean islands where Robelo is manager for Central American Fisheries, lobster divers took over the airport and tried burning down the mayor’s office in June protests against diminishing earnings as lobster companies cut pay due to skyrocketing gas prices.

”How can you tell so many people not to lobster dive without offering them something else?” asked Robelo.

The notoriously isolated Puerto Cabezas, a town of 40,000 that is a bumpy two-day drive from Managua, saw a population explosion after the 1980s contra war came to an end. Miskito Indians returning from exile or retiring their arms became the region’s first lobster divers as scuba technology became available in Central America, Carr said. Because diving is three times more effective than traps, the coasts’ shallow lobster grounds were depleted within a few years. Divers headed into the deep blue.

Today, lobster companies are going 30 miles out to sea and diving more than 100 feet. Hondurans who have killed off lobster in their area of the Caribbean by overfishing it head now to Nicaragua. Few follow dive tables. In Puerto Cabezas, where nearly half the population lived in extreme poverty before Felix hit, there are few other employment opportunities.

Carr, who specializes in Central America’s Caribbean, says the lobster boat owners follow no safety standards.

”Another nasty part of this story is that the captain will turn their back when that kid agrees to dive for the fourth time before diving without decompressing,” he said. “It’s just outrageous.”

The Caribbean drug culture adds to the chaotic equation. Divers come back to shore and spend their cash on booze and cocaine.

”Families don’t get the rewards,” Carr said.

Robelo, who oversees one of the Caribbean’s biggest lobster operations, says the lobster supply is being bled by a $14 million annual black market for fish and lobster in Nicaragua. Not only is the April-to-June lobster ban largely ignored by small divers, but so is a prohibition on hunting immature lobster before they spawn.

Before Felix swept through, the government had canceled lobster permits due to scarcities caused by overexploitation.

The hurricane made the shortage worse.

”Felix destroyed the reef and seabed. Nature needs time to regenerate itself,” said Brooklyn Rivera, Nicaragua’s only indigenous legislator representing the RAAN.

VETS WITHOUT MEDALS

At the dock entrance in Puerto Cabezas, old leather-faced divers with walking canes and wheelchairs loiter among crowds of women and children, looking like war vets without all the medals.

Like many of the growing number of divers who suffer the bends — an illness with a range of symptoms caused by a pressure decrease involved with a rapid ascent from a dive — Periera didn’t get immediate treatment when decompression sickness set in.

The lobster companies are reluctant to take on costs of evacuating ill divers. If at high sea, the trip back can take two weeks, Selva said.

”They’re not going to take a loss to help a diver,” he said.

7/31/2008

ALBA

Filed under: General, global islands, intra-national, nicaragua, resource — admin @ 3:57 am

The Bolivarian Alternative for the People of Our America (Spanish: Alternativa Bolivariana para los Pueblos de Nuestra América or ALBA - which also means ‘dawn’ in Spanish) is an international cooperation organization based upon the idea of social, political, and economic integration between the countries of Latin America and the Caribbean.

The agreement was initially proposed by the government of Venezuela as an alternative to the Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA or ALCA in Spanish) proposed by the United States. While the ALBA itself has not yet become a hemispheric-wide trade agreement, Venezuela, Cuba, Nicaragua and Bolivia have entered into a Peoples’ Trade Agreement (Spanish: “Tratado de Comercio de los Pueblos” - TCP) which aims to implement the principles of ALBA between those four nations. However, Nicaragua is also a member of the Central America Free Trade Agreement (CAFTA).

The adjective Bolivarian refers to general Simón Bolívar, who is revered as a hero throughout much of Latin America for his leadership of independence movements in South America against Spanish colonial power. In addition, Bolívar is a major figure in Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez’s hemispheric ideology Bolivarianism.

Unlike neoliberal free trade agreements, the ALBA represents an attempt at regional economic integration that is not based primarily on trade liberalization but on a vision of social welfare and mutual economic aid.

The Cuba-Venezuela Agreement, which was signed on December 14, 2004 by Presidents Hugo Chávez and Fidel Castro, was aimed at the exchange of medical resources and petroleum between both nations. Venezuela delivers about 96,000 barrels of oil per day from its state-owned petroleum operations to Cuba at very favorable prices and Cuba in exchange sent 20,000 state-employed medical staff and thousands of teachers to Venezuela’s slums.

President Evo Morales of poor but gas-rich Bolivia joined the TCP on April 29, 2006, only days before he announced his intention to nationalize Bolivia’s hydrocarbon assets. Newly elected President Daniel Ortega of Nicaragua, signed the agreement in January 2007; Venezuela agreed to forgive Nicaragua’s $31 million debt as a result. On February 23, 2007 Ortega visited Caracas to solidify Nicaragua’s participation in ALBA. Rafael Correa, the president of Ecuador, signed a joint agreement with Hugo Chávez, to become a member of ALBA once he becomes president, but as of 2008 Ecuador has not joined the organization.

The Prime Minister of Antigua and Barbuda, Baldwin Spencer, has hailed the signing of the trade agreement with Venezuela as a significant historical milestone in relations between the Caribbean and Latin America. He along with the Prime Ministers of Dominica and St. Vincent and the Grenadines signed onto ALBA.

In January 2008, Dominica, a small island in the Caribbean, joined ALBA.

6/2/2008

Nicaraguans launch anti-hunger march

Filed under: General, corporate-greed, nicaragua, resource — admin @ 6:05 pm

World Food Program (WFP) summons an anti-hunger demonstration in Nicaragua to bring greater attention to the issue in this Latin nation.

Held in the northeastern city of Matagalpa Sunday, the demonstration was attended by senior government officials including ministers of agriculture, education, health and foreign affairs, local media reported, according to Xinhua.

More than 1,000 children from Matagalpa, one of the departments hardest hit by hunger and high rates of chronic bad nutrition, also participated in the march.

Agriculture Minister Ariel Bucardo vowed to push forward the program “Zero Hunger,” a government-sponsored program which aims at aiding close to 75,000 poor families to overcome poverty by providing livestock like pigs or production subsidies.

The World Food Program (WFP) initiated more anti-hunger demonstrations in 70 other cities around the world.

Expressing support for the rally, president of the WFP’s Nicaragua branch William Hart said that it could help the country on its way to eliminate hunger.

WFP Nicaragua is helping feed more than half million people in the country, including 400,000 elementary school students in Matagalpa.

About 6 million children die each year from bad nutrition in the world, while 840 million people are struggling with hunger, according to the WFP.

4/28/2008

Higher Education on Nicaragua’s Multicultural Atlantic Coast

Filed under: belize, global islands, language, nicaragua — admin @ 4:36 am

http://209.200.101.189/publications/csq/csq-article.cfm?id=1718

The University of the Autonomous Regions of the Caribbean Coast of Nicaragua (URACCAN) is a pluri-ethnic university located in the Caribbean region of Nicaragua. The university provides higher education to some of the country’s most marginalized peoples, including the indigenous Miskitu, Mayanga, and Rama, and the Afro-Caribbean Creole and Garífuna, all of whom live in the eastern half of the country. While comprising only four percent of Nicaragua’s total population, these coastal groups represent most of the country’s cultural and linguistic diversity.

The idea for creating the university came about during an organizational meeting of young Caribbean Coast leaders in 1978, attended by most of the region’s college graduates. A major topic of discussion was the idealistic dream of a regional university. In the 1970s, most costeños, or Caribbean coastal peoples, had little access to higher education because their only option was to travel far to the west to the universities of Hispanic Nicaragua.

It was not until after the war years of the 1980s that the dream could be realized. URACCAN was founded in the early 1990s, and in 1995 was recognized by the Nicaraguan National Council of Universities (CNU), the council that regulates higher education. A year later, the university began receiving government funding. The university continues, however, to compete with older, more established universities in Hispanic Nicaragua to obtain a fair share of national funding. The university is located in a poor region where tuition is extremely low (U.S. $12 per semester). Even so, a large share of the university budget is devoted to student scholarships. Outside funding sources are important to the university’s success. For example, a National Conference of URACCAN Supporters and Support Groups met in Chicago in the 1990s to raise money for the university, but most of the university’s external funding comes from European universities and organizations.

Serving a Diverse Population

URACCAN is designed to serve all of costeños and to emphasize the region’s multicultural heritage. The mestizo population of 117,143 is growing rapidly through immigration from the western, Hispanic part of Nicaragua. It threatens to overwhelm the other groups, thus underlining the importance of URACCAN’s focus on diversity.

The major languages spoken at URACCAN are Spanish, Creole English, Miskitu, and Mayanga. Signs on the university walls are written in all four languages. Miskitu has been a written language since Moravian missionaries, who arrived on the coast in 1849, recorded it in writing and translated the Bible and other religious documents (Helms 1971). The missionaries also trained local lay preachers, or sasmalkra, who preached from texts in their own language. Today various competing groups, including the Church of God, the Catholic Church, and the Seventh Day Adventists, all work on the coast. Nevertheless, in many ways the Moravian Church remains the central religious authority in the region. Moravians have recently established their own university, the Bluefield Indian and Caribbean University (BICU), which now occupies the old Moravian hospital building in Bilwi. BICU is privately funded and thus provides a second option for higher education. Costeño leaders hope that the presence of URACCAN and BICU will encourage the most capable young people to earn degrees on the coast, and remain afterward to contribute their talents to the region’s growth.

URACCAN opened its first three branches in Bilwi, Bluefields, and Siuna, and now has extension courses in La Rosita, Bonanza, Waspam, Pearl Lagoon, Orinoco, and Nueva Guinea. Today, about 2,500 students attend the university, with 200 professors teaching courses. Continuing education and technical training courses are offered, as well as courses leading to bachelor’s degrees in sociology, agro-forestry, business administration, and education.

The university also has four research institutes—the Institute for Linguistic Research and Cultural Recovery, the Natural Resource and Environment Institute, the Institute for Promotion and Study of Autonomy, and the Institute for Traditional Medicine and Community Development.

The Traditional Medicine Institute maintains a medicinal plant garden at Krabu Tingni, in a beautiful rainforest location midway between Bilwi and Waspam. A Miskitu medicinal healer is in charge of the gardens, to which other healers also have access. The resident healer demonstrates plant medicines to students and other visitors.

During his Fulbright grant from 1999 to 2000, Philip Dennis worked closely with the institute. In 1999, an outbreak of grisi siknis, a dramatic culture-bound syndrome, occurred at the Luxembourg Teachers College in Bilwi, causing a crisis in which many of the college students left after 10 young women were possessed by evil spirits. The institute hired a well-known traditional healer who treated the young women successfully with prayer and medicinal herbs, while Dennis and the healer’s husband served as assistants. Two physicians were also involved in the treatment, which constituted a remarkable example of collaboration between biomedical and traditional practitioners.

URACCAN relies on visiting professors to teach many courses. During the 1999-2000 academic year, Dennis taught an anthropology of health course in URACCAN’s first graduate program, an intercultural master’s degree in public health (MSPI). Thirty-eight graduate students participated in the course, of whom about two-thirds were physicians and nurses. Other participants included a nutritionist, a dentist, a psychologist, and a community development worker. Most of the graduate students were mestizos from western Nicaragua, but there were also a number of Creole and Miskitu health professionals. The master’s of public health degree (MPH) is an important credential for anyone involved in health matters in Central America, as it is in the United States. In Nicaragua, the traditional MPH degree is given by the National School of Public Health (CIES) in Managua. But URACCAN organized the intercultural MSPI degree for the Caribbean Coast, in recognition of the region’s multicultural nature and the particular health concerns it presents. The MSPI degree is accredited by the CIES, and coursework covers all the material in a traditional MPH program, plus cross-cultural material relevant to the coast. Dennis’ course was an important part of the MSPI’s multicultural perspective.

Most of the other courses in the new MSPI program were taught in intensive one- or two-week blocks by mestizo professors from CIES who flew to Bilwi to give lectures. Because Dennis planned to live in his research community, Awastara, to the north of Bilwi, he was able to teach his course over an 11-month period, holding classes one week each month. The MSPI students turned out to be hard-working and interested in the material, and responded enthusiastically to the fieldwork projects.

The university is developing a new master’s degree in socio-cultural anthropology in order to train Native anthropologists on the Atlantic Coast. Drawing from her extensive field experience among the Miskitu peoples of Honduras, Laura Hobson Herlihy will teach a graduate course on ethnographic field methods at URACAAN-Bilwi in spring 2004, also supported by a Fulbright grant. URACCAN’s first rector, Myrna Cunningham, said that the course will be part of the core curriculum of the new master’s program, which will be coordinated by Georg Grunberg and emphasize the region’s autonomy. Students will work with Herlihy both in the classroom and in the field, doing ethnographic research in local communities. Herlihy and Dennis both hope to keep the U.S.–URACCAN connection strong through future Fulbright exchanges.

The URACCAN was organized by and for local peoples, and tries to give voice to all the ethnic groups on the Coast. Large numbers of Miskitu students attend URACCAN-Kambla, and Creole students are prominent at URACCAN-Bluefields. However, there has been little Miskitu representation in the university administration. During his year at URACCAN, Dennis suggested that Miskitu intellectuals such as Ana Rosa Fagoth and Avelino Cox be invited to participate more in university activities, and that academic courses be offered using Miskitu as a language of instruction. In part, the limited participation of Miskitu scholars simply reflects the limited number of Miskitu people with university training. In addition, the Moravian Church-supported BICU may attract Miskitu people interested in faith-based education. Nevertheless, it seems ironic that the colonial languages, Spanish and English, continue to dominate, and that indigenous language and worldview remain underrepresented in university activities and administration. Indigenous peoples are lowest in the scale of interethnic relations on the coast, and to some extent this situation is paralleled in the university. It seems clear that to be successful as a multilingual, multicultural institution, URACCAN must invite more participation by leaders from all the region’s ethnic groups.

Miskitu people have a complex set of ideas about health and illness, and traditional healers provide a large share of the health care in the region. Historically, biomedical professionals from the United States and from the western, Hispanic region of Nicaragua have viewed local beliefs with skepticism, and have not taken traditional healers seriously. Given this context, some Creole administrators predicted the mestizo physicians in Dennis’ class would be narrow-minded and the most difficult group to work with. In reality, they asked the most perceptive questions and showed the most interest in the intercultural perspective presented. When Dennis invited traditional Miskitu healers to the class to explain Miskitu concepts of health and to demonstrate curing techniques, the mestizo physicians were the first to volunteer to help in the demonstration.

International Collaboration

Library holdings at URACCAN-Bilwi are modest indeed—one room of books. This lack of reading materials for students is a serious problem, and by necessity many classes use Xerox copies of articles or book chapters for reading assignments. For his anthropology of health course, Dennis brought textbooks from the United States, including a thick reader of medical anthropology articles in Spanish and the Spanish-language editions of Where There is No Doctor and Helping Health Workers Learn from the Hesperian Foundation. Dennis hoped that these texts would serve as useful future reference sources for the health care professionals taking the course.

Dennis also organized a large book drive at Texas Tech University, during which many colleagues in different fields donated basic texts and other books for the URACCAN library. Of course, most of these books were in English and may be of limited use to URACCAN students and faculty. But where books are available, one can hope they will eventually be of use to an aspiring scholar. Unfortunately, due to changes in U.S. Postal Service regulations, the last carton of books sent in 2003 cost about $75. At this price, it will be impossible to continue the book donation program.

Despite financial problems, URACCAN has been successful at forming national, regional, and international ties. Besides having a press office, a Web site, and a liaison office in Managua, the university has bilateral agreements with two Canadian universities, four U.S. universities, and three universities in Spain. Almost 30 URACCAN professors are pursuing advanced degrees in York, Canada, and Girona, Spain. One anthropologist colleague, Miguel González, former rector at URACCAN-Bluefields, is now completing his doctorate degree in political science at York University in Toronto.

The university also has ties with a vast array of non-governmental organizations, institutes, and foundations. Among them are Gesellschaft für Technische Zusammenarbelt of Germany, Centro Agronómico Tropical de Investigaciones y Enseñanza in Costa Rica; and the Rigoberta Menchú Foundation in Guatemala. These ties allow URACCAN to lead several important regional and continental initiatives, “especially regarding Indigenous, educational, health, and human rights networks,” reports the URUCCAN Update in 1998.

URACCAN and Autonomy

The Atlantic Coast region won constitutional autonomy in 1987 during the Sandinista revolutionary decade. The Nicaraguan government established two autonomous regions on the Caribbean Coast, the North Atlantic Autonomous Region (RAAN), and the South Atlantic Autonomous Region (RAAS). The RAAN and RAAS make up over 50 percent of Nicaragua’s territory. The RAAN regional government is located in Bilwi and the RAAS regional government is in Bluefields. URACCAN’s Bilwi-Kambla campus thus serves a large Miskitu population, and the Bluefields campus serves the Creole population.

URACCAN’s new vision of indigenous education is not only to provide life-long education to costeños, but, according to the URACCAN Update, “to help fortify the autonomy process on the Nicaraguan Caribbean Coast through training and professionalizing of human resources.” The university, for example, offers many outreach or short-term courses to improve the working populations’ technical skills. These courses have a community-based and participatory focus, and provide costeños with a way to contribute to their own self-empowerment. The goal is to no longer be dependent upon mestizos from western Nicaragua. Rather, through higher education, costeños hope to be able to control their own development process in the future.

Constitutional recognition was also given to minority languages in the autonomous regions. Since then, URACCAN has played a central role in developing the Intercultural Bilingual Education Program (PEBI) on the coast. Linguists from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology and from Europe worked with Terra Nuova, an Italian development organization, to develop new bilingual (Miskitu and Spanish) textbooks for grades one through four. These textbooks are now being used in a number of schools in the RAAN.

Unfortunately, the bilingual program has not been supported by conservative central governments in Managua in recent years. Teachers continue, however, to train at URACCAN.

The URACCAN main campus is in the town of Kambla, seven kilometers west of Bilwi. A breezy coastal city, Bilwi is the intellectual, economic, and political capital for the Miskitu people. Here, Miskitu culture is popular culture. One hears the Miskitu language spoken on the radio and television, as well as in discos, buses, and marketplaces. Due to its proximity to Bilwi, URACCAN’s main Kambla campus is strikingly dominated by Miskitu culture and language.

Transportation by bus is provided to Kambla-Bilwi students, along the red dirt road linking the campus and the city. Indeed, just getting to class is a challenge during the rainy season. The campus is remotely situated for a reason: it sits on land formerly used by the Sandinista army. The classrooms, administrative offices, and small library are in one-story buildings that formerly functioned as Sandinista military barracks. Pleasant and attractive, the campus is surrounded by pine trees with green grass and cement social spaces between buildings. The gym and auditorium buildings loom the largest on campus.

In 1998, Herlihy attended a conference for Central American indigenous people on URACCAN’s Kambla-Bilwi campus. The conference, “Central American Workshop on Territorial Rights and the Legalization of Indigenous Territories,” was sponsored by Native Lands, Centro Skoki, and URACCAN. Much of the workshop focused on the International Labor Organization’s convention 169, which deals specifically with indigenous peoples’rights. Indigenous representatives came from all the Central American countries, and from Peru and Mexico. A majority of the representatives and attendees were Miskitu, since the conference was held in their homeland. Miskitu participants in the meeting spoke first in their own language, and their statements were then translated into Spanish. The main topic of discussion among Miskitu participants was autonomy, or klauna, for the Atlantic Coast.

URACCAN’s concept of autonomy does not imply separatism. Rather, it emphasizes improving the quality of life for all costeños through education. Through inter-cultural higher education, the university aspires to build a better Atlantic Coast and a better Nicaragua. This university has so far been quite successful, especially given that the Atlantic Coast is a marginalized region in one of the poorest countries in Central America. Watching the crowds of students and faculty boarding the bus for Kambla, one cannot help but be infected by their spirit of enthusiasm and optimism. These young people see higher education as opening doors to the future.

Indigenous Peoples of Eastern Nicaragua and the Atlantic Coast

The 110,000 Miskitu constitute the largest indigenous population in Nicaragua. They live in rainforest and coastal-lagoon terrain from the Rio Coco border with Honduras to just south of the Pearl Lagoon area. This mixed group speak the Miskitu language, a member of the Misumalpan language family, and trace their ancestry to an Amerindian group that intermarried with African and European populations, starting in the 17th century (Helms 1971). While other Latin American indigenous groups experienced assimilation and culture loss due to the colonial encounter, the Miskitu have grown in population, expanded their territory, and developed a strong ethnic identity. Today, the Miskitu are the major indigenous group on the coast. They became internationally known for their struggle against the Sandinista government in the 1980s.

Mary W. Helms did ground-breaking ethnography among Miskitu people, and her ethnography of the community of Asang, on the Río Coco, has become a classic. Helms suggests that the success of the Miskitu is closely related to their relations with outsiders who have come to the coast. Indeed, the Miskitu have continually expanded their population and established their identity through their interactions with the British, North Americans, and other foreigners. The colonial Miskitu, called “Zambos-Mosquitos,” dominated other indigenous groups on the Miskitu Coast. Through their alliances with the British, they acquired firearms, which they used to build a successful economy based on raiding and trade. In the last 200 years, the Miskitu have been residents of a British Protectorate, evangelized by the Moravian missionaries, and employed by North American and other foreign companies. The companies extracted local resources including gold, bananas, sea turtles, and most recently, shrimp, conch, and lobsters. The interconnectedness of global and local social identities is not new to the Miskitu, who have participated in what Helms (1969) calls a “purchase society” since colonial times. The Nicaraguan Miskitu seem to have refashioned their social identities into new practices that have empowered them in a globalized world. The Miskitu response to global economic and geopolitical forces provides an interesting lesson in survival and adaptation.

The Mayanga (previously known as Sumu) occupied the largest land area in eastern Nicaragua before European contact, but their numbers and territory have been much reduced. The modern Mayanga peoples, with a population of 13,204, have three surviving linguistic groups: the Panamaka, the Twahka, and the Ulwa. These languages also belong to the larger Misumalpan family. Traditionally swidden farmers and hunters, the Mayanga recently have become involved in monetized economies as wage-earners. They continue to live along the upper reaches and headwaters of Nicaragua’s northeastern rivers, particularly in the large Bosawas Reserve. The Mayanga share similar cultural and linguistic traits with the Miskitu, to whom they are closely related. The indigenous Rama people lived on the Miskitu Coast before contact and spoke Voto, a Chibchan language of South American origin. The Rama, like the Mayanga, also fell victim to Miskitu expansion during the 17th and 18th centuries. Today, their reduced population of 1,023 is centered on Rama Cay, a small island in Bluefields Lagoon. The Rama people have all but lost their language, and now speak their own version of Creole English (Barrett 1992). Atlantic Coast Creoles are descendants of British colonists and African slaves who have lived on the coast since the 17th century. They speak Creole English and practice Protestantism, and their population center is in the cities of Bluefields and Puerto Cabezas (called Bilwi in Miskitu). During the colonial era, Creole society included free blacks who acquired higher status and prestige than the indigenous groups on the Miskitu Coast, mainly because they were perceived as being more Europeanized. After the British formally left the coast in 1787, the Creoles stayed behind and became the dominant ethnic group, eventually displacing the Miskitu in the socio-economic hierarchy of the Caribbean Coast (Gordon 1998). Today, the Creoles number 50,000.

The Garífuna trace their ancestry to Island Caribs on St. Vincent of the Lesser Antilles. Here, the Caribs inter-married with African slaves and were later deported to Honduras in 1797. The Garífuna people’s Afro-Caribbean culture and their Arawakian language, called Garífuna, thrive along the coast in Belize, Guatemala, and Honduras, but in Nicaragua are now represented by only two communities. Coming from Honduras in the late 1800s, the Garífuna settled on the western side of Pearl Lagoon and now have a population of 3,068 people. Their two villages are an enclave that remains cut off from the rest of the Garífuna culture area (Davidson 1979). Although the Nicaraguan Garífuna now speak Creole English, they still maintain strong beliefs in ancestor spirits and a distinct Garífuna identity (Barrett 1992). Some young Garífuna have embraced a racialized identity as Latin American Blacks and see themselves as part of the African American diaspora.

4/24/2008

Guillermo Vargas

Filed under: art, global islands, nicaragua — admin @ 8:52 am

Guillermo Vargas, also known as Habacuc, (born 1975) is an artist. He caused controversy when he exhibited an emaciated dog in a gallery.

Life and work

Guillermo Vargas was born in San José.

His exhibitions include Graffiti Galería Cultura (2001), Exposición # 1 Galeria Codice Managua, Nicaragua (2002); Exorcision, Jacob Karpio Galería, San José, Costa Rica (2002); Alfombra Roja [The Red Carpet]. 300kilos de tomates (2006). He has also exhibited at the Inter-American Development Bank.

Dog exhibit

In 2007 Guillermo Vargas took a stray dog from the streets of Managua, Nicaragua, and tied it to a short leash in an art gallery, titling his exhibit “Eres Lo Que Lees” (”You Are What You Read”). Photographs appeared on the Internet showing a emaciated dog, tied to a wall by a length of rope in a room full of standing people, with the title of the exhibit written on the wall in dog food. The outrage triggered by the exhibit spawned allegations that the dog had been left to starve to death; these allegations quickly spread internationally via blogs, e-mails, and other unconfirmed sources. However, other than a three-hour period during which the dog was on display as part of Vargas’ exhibit, the gallery alleges the dog was not tied up, and was fed with food brought in by Vargas himself There are no indications in the photos of where or when they were taken, nor of who took them. Juanita Bermúdez, the director of the Códice Gallery, was quoted in La Prensa as saying that the animal was fed regularly and was only tied up for three hours on one day before it escaped. Upon conducting a probe, the Humane Society was informed that the dog was in a state of starvation when it was captured and escaped after one day of captivity; the Humane Society also acknowledged, in reference to reports that the dog had been starved to death, “the facts [had] been misconstrued in some news articles”; however, the organization also categorically condemned “the use of live animals in exhibits such as this.”

This matter was brought to the attention of the World Society for the Protection of Animals (WSPA), who investigated the issue found it had enough merit to take action, and are satisfied that no animals will be abused during the upcoming Biennial exhibition.

4/14/2008

ANDY PALACIO

Filed under: General, art, belize, global islands, nicaragua — admin @ 5:01 am

BELIZE’S ANDY PALACIO dedicated his entire life to preserving Garifuna music, the enchanting music of the black communities of the Central American countries of Guatemala, Belize, Honduras and Nicaragua.

Thanks to Palacio’s efforts, Garifuna music is today regarded as one of the best schools of world music. By the time of his death on January 19, 2008, in Belize city, Palacio, 47, had gained popularity both in Belize and abroad and had performed in the Caribbean, the Americas and Europe and Asia.

He appeared at the Festival Internacional de Cultura del Caribe in Cancun, Carifesta VI in Trinidad and Tobago, Carifesta VII in St. Kitts-Nevis, the Rainforest World Music Festival in Malaysia, the Antillanse Feesten in Belgium, the World Traditional Performing Arts Festival in Japan and other events in the United States, Canada, Colombia, France, Germany and the UK. He started performing in 1988.

In memory of Palacio, leading Garifuna musicians recently toured the US and Europe to celebrate the life and music of a bandleader and songwriter who spearheaded a revival of the unique music of Central America.

They started their performance in New York on April 4, at the Symphony Space, and will visit Atlanta, Miami, and other cities, concluding on August 29 with a performance in Los Angeles. The tour will promote an album titled Watina (“I called out,” in the Garifuna language), released in the US and Canada on February 27 on the new record label Cumbancha. Dates for the European tour are yet to be released.

WATINA, A 12-TRACK album performed by Palacio and the Garifuna Collective, was acclaimed as one of the best world music releases of 2007. It was declared album of the year on the European World Music Charts and won on several other charts the same year. Watina has been described as the soul of Africa, the spirit of the Caribbean and the heartbeat of Central America, resonating to the unique and threatened Garifuna culture.

Palacio was not only revered as the most popular musician in Belize, but was also a serious musical and cultural archivist with a deep commitment to preserving his unique culture. A long time proponent of Garifuna popular music and a tireless advocate for the maintenance of the Garifuna language and traditions, Palacio had undertaken a new and ambitious direction with the formation of the Garifuna Collective band.

Palacio’s passion can be traced to the history of the Garifuna people.

The Garifuna are descendants of West African slaves who were shipwrecked in 1635 off the coast of what is now the island of St Vincent. The survivors were welcomed by the local Arawak and Carib Indian populations, leading to a distinctive Afro-Amerindian culture and language.

Thus began the history of the Garinagu, more widely known as the Garifuna, one of the most unique and threatened cultures in the Americas. Their tale is one of tragedy and adversity, as well as one of triumph, community and hope.

Called the Black Caribs by the British, the Garifuna lived in relative tranquility for many years, their ranks increased by other escaped slaves who heard about this outpost of free Africans.

After siding with the French in a battle over control over St Vincent, however, the Garifuna were defeated by the British in 1797 and exiled to a small island off the coast of Honduras.

Nearly half of the Garifuna population died en route, but 3,000 people survived, and eventually journeyed out to set up small villages on the Caribbean coasts of Guatemala, Belize, Honduras and Nicaragua.

Today there are roughly 250,000 Garifuna in the world, including immigrant communities in Los Angeles, New York, Chicago and Miami. A small and often oppressed minority in their home countries, the Garifuna have valiantly preserved their heritage over the years in the face of tremendous outside pressures. Recently, however, the forces of globalisation have overwhelmed them, threatening extinction to their unique language, traditions and music.

Fewer children are learning the Garifuna language, performing the songs or memorising the oral histories and stories that serve as the legacy of the culture.

Born and raised in the coastal village of Barranco, Palacio grew up listening to traditional Garifuna music as well as foreign music on radio from neighbouring Honduras, Guatemala, the Caribbean and the United States. He joined local bands while still in high school and began developing his sound, performing covers of popular Caribbean and US Top 40 songs.

However, it was while working with a literacy project on Nicaragua’s Atlantic Coast in 1980 and discovering that the Garifuna language and culture were steadily dying in that country, that a strong cultural awareness took hold and his approach to music became more defined.

He opted for the language and rhythms of the Garifuna, a unique cultural blend of West African and Carib and Arawak Indian language and heritage. “It was a conscious strategy. I felt that music was an excellent medium to preserve the culture. I saw it as a way of maintaining cultural pride and self esteem, especially in young people,” he said on his record label website.

Palacio became a leading figure in a growing renaissance of young Garifuna intellectuals who were writing poems and songs in their native language. He saw the emergence of an upbeat, popular dance form based on Garifuna rhythms that became known as punta rock and enthusiastically took part in developing the form.

Palacio began performing his own songs and gained stature as a musician and Garifuna artiste. In 1987, he was invited to work in England with Cultural Partnerships Ltd, a community arts organisation, and returned to Belize with new skills and a four track recording system. He helped found Sunrise, an organisation dedicated to preserving, documenting and distributing Belizean music.

Palacio and the Garifuna Collective had been planning an extensive tour of the world this year, and Palacio was looking forward to being accompanied by women from the Umalali project, whose album was released on March, 18 this year.

According to the producers, Umalali musicians blend the rich vocal textures of women from the Garifuna communities with echoes of rock, blues, funk, African, Latin and Caribbean music.

The ongoing tour of the Garifuna musicians — consisting of the Garifuna Collective and three women of Umalali — is promoting the album Watina—Jacob Edgar, president of the record company, Cumbancha, told The EastAfrican: “The album has sold well; it is certainly one of the bestselling world music releases of the past year. It was a struggle at first because few people were familiar with Palacio and his music, but the international media response was tremendous, both before and after his death.”

The idea of the Collective came about five years ago when Belizean producer Ivan Duran, Palacio’s long time collaborator, persuaded Palacio to focus on less commercial forms of Garifuna music. Duran and Palacio set out to create an all-star, multigenerational ensemble of some of the best Garifuna musicians from Guatemala, Honduras and Belize.

The Collective unites elder statesmen such as legendary Garifuna composer Paul Nabor, with up-and-coming voices of the new generation such as Aurelio Martinez from Honduras. Rather than focusing on dance sounds like punta rock, the Collective explores the more soulful side of Garifuna music, such as the Latin-influenced paranda, and the sacred dügü, punta and gunjei rhythms.

THE WORLD TOUR FEATURES Aurelio Martinez, whose album Garifuna Soul was highly praised in the world music press; Adrian Martinez, who sang and composed the moving song Baba from the Watina album and who is a rising young star in Belize; and Lloyd Augustine, one of Belize’s most popular young musicians.

“We have no plans to tour Africa at the moment, although one of the members of the Garifuna Collective will be performing regularly and recording with Youssou N’Dour this year,” said Edgar.

Soon after his death, Palacio was announced winner of the Americas Category in the 2008 BBC Radio 3 Awards for World Music. Although decided by the jury in December, the official announcement of the winners was not due to be made by the BBC until April 10.

The government of Belize honoured him with the Order of Meritorious Service in September 2007, and in November, he was named a Unesco Artist for Peace.

In his acceptance speech on receiving the 2007 Womex Award, Palacio said: “I see this award not so much as a personal endorsement but in fact as an extraordinary and sincere validation of a concept in which artists such as myself take up the challenge to make music with a high purpose that goes beyond simple entertainment. I accept this award on behalf of my fellow artistes from all over the world with the hope that it will serve to reinforce those sentiments that fuel cultures of resistance and pride in one’s own.” Palacio lived in San Ignacio, Belize, where he was accorded a state burial. He died of respiratory failure after a stroke and heart attack.

4/10/2008

Global slump

Filed under: General, nicaragua, usa, wealth — admin @ 9:40 am

“The International Monetary Fund (IMF) said on Wednesday … [that] the global slump could prove worse than predicted. There is a one-in-four chance that a global recession — seen when world economic growth falls below 3.0 percent — will ensue, it said.

“‘The financial market crisis that erupted in August 2007 has developed into the largest financial shock since the Great Depression,’ it said.

“Latin America and countries linked to the plummeting U.S. dollar will be hardest hit as the U.S.-led
slump spreads around the globe, the IMF said.

“Rapidly growing emerging economies, such as China and India, will suffer the least pain, it said.
However, even they will feel a sting as rich countries cut their imports.”

Economist Dean Baker has said that he could see average American incomes fall by as much as 40 percent before we hit bottom.

4/6/2008

Violence erupts in Nicaragua’s indigenous community

Filed under: global islands, government, nicaragua — admin @ 6:27 am

Efforts to cancel upcoming municipal elections in parts of Nicaragua’s hurricane-ravaged North Atlantic Autonomous Region sparked rioting Friday in the indigenous community of Bilwi, where opposition leaders claim the Sandinista government of President Daniel Ortega is trying to establish a dictatorship.

”The situation is chaotic and dangerous, and I think it is going to get even hotter,” anti-Sandinista indigenous leader Osorno Coleman, said in a phone interview from Bilwi. “The authorities have to act prudent right now.”

Two people were shot and there were conflicting reports on their status. Several others were injured by rocks as the regional Sandinista-allied group, YATAMA, clashed with a much larger opposition group that met with a delegation of Liberal Party lawmakers who traveled to the coast to investigate the situation.

The three visiting lawmakers were initially held hostage on their airplane, which was surrounded by some 80 YATAMA supporters. A larger group of several thousand anti-Sandinista indigenous people then came to the lawmakers’ rescue, clashing with the YATAMA group.

The rioting then spread as anti-Sandinista protesters took over the YATAMA-controlled mayor’s office, looting the building and breaking windows, while another group burned two government vehicles in the street. All flights to and from the regional airport were canceled for the second time in a week.

Coleman claims that the gunshots came from the YATAMA group headed by Brooklyn Rivera, a former anti-Sandinista militant who formed a controversial electoral alliance with Ortega in exchange for a seat in the National Assembly.

Rivera, meanwhile, claims the violence and rioting was incited by the three visiting lawmakers, including Enrique Quiñónez, against whom the Sandinistas filed a criminal accusation Friday afternoon.

”The population on the coast doesn’t have guns; it was the Liberals who went there and got the people drunk and drugged and gave them weapons, which they fired indiscriminately, killing one of their own,” Rivera said.

Quiñónez said he and the other lawmakers went to the coast only to listen to the concerns of lawmakers, and that he wouldn’t dignify Rivera’s ‘’stupid comments” with a response.

”The same ones who tried to persecute and exterminate the people on the Atlantic coast in the 1980s are, with their YATAMA allies, again trying to take away the right of the coastal population to have free elections,” Quiñónez said.

The National Police sent a high-level delegation from Managua out to the Caribbean coast by helicopter to investigate, but as of Friday night police and military reportedly had not intervened in the violence, witnesses said.

At the center of the controversy is the Sandinistas’ efforts to cancel the upcoming November elections in three municipalities under the argument that the conditions for voting don’t exist due to damage caused by last September’s Hurricane Felix, which destroyed much of the region, including school houses used for voting.

Ortega last week called for a suspension of the elections in the municipalities of Bilwi, Waspam and Prinzapolka — the same three municipalities controlled by the Sandinistas and their YATAMA ally.

The opposition claims the Sandinistas’ real motive is to hold onto power by avoiding elections they would lose. Critics claim efforts to suspend the vote is another example of the Sandinista government politicizing the hurricane disaster to meet its own needs.

Enrique Sáenz, of the dissident Sandinista Renovation Movement, said the ruling Sandinista Front is ”afraid that the [Caribbean] coastal population is going to hand them the bill after their disastrous terms in office.” He noted that the previous elections have been held in the Caribbean during times of flooding and even amid violent protests, and says the conditions are no worse now.

Bernicia Sanders, a leader of an indigenous women’s group from Bilwi, traveled to Managua last week to ask opposition political parties for support in defending the region’s right to hold elections.

”We know our rights,” she said. “And we need to elect our own leaders.”

Coleman, a former anti-Sandinista militant leader from the 1980s, says that canceling the elections would be nothing short of canceling democracy. ”If they suspend the elections, we will have a dictatorship,” he said.

There is also disagreement over which government institution would have the right to cancel the elections. Ortega has said the final word is up to the regional government council, controlled by YATAMA, while opposition lawmakers insist only the National Assembly has the right to cancel an election.

3/29/2008

Nicaragua’s Soviet-Era Missiles Locked in Limbo

Filed under: General, global islands, military, nicaragua, usa — admin @ 5:34 am

MANAGUA, Nicaragua — At a secret location somewhere in Nicaragua, shoulder-fired missiles capable of taking down a jetliner lie behind heavy fencing and locked double doors.

The missiles are dangerous artifacts of another era, a time before the end of the Cold War, when the Soviet Union fed arms to Marxist Sandinistas then in power, and the United States surreptitiously countered by organizing and arming an anti-Sandinista force known as the contras. The bloody conflict between the Sandinistas and contras during the 1980s is long gone, but the Soviet weapons remain, locked in a kind of limbo between Nicaragua and the United States, which fears the missiles could fall into the hands of terrorists.

Nicaraguan President Daniel Ortega, a former Sandinista rebel, has proposed exchanging the missiles for medical supplies, an offer that a U.S. State Department official, speaking on condition of anonymity, called “unprecedented.” Paul A. Trivelli, the U.S. ambassador to Nicaragua, immediately pronounced the offer “very good.”

But the deal hasn’t happened, and since Trivelli’s initial remark, U.S. officials have been reluctant to speak publicly on the matter. The reasons, some Nicaraguan and American observers say, are that the proposal has not been put on paper and that suspicions remain in both countries that Ortega — who frequently taunts the United States — might be luring the Bush administration into an embarrassing diplomatic trap by making a complex offer that might never come to fruition.

“Ortega’s going to go around six months to a year from now and be able to say, ‘We made this generous offer and the U.S. ambassador came out the next day and said ‘great idea,’ and what have we gotten for it?’ ” said Eduardo Gamarra, director of the Latin American and Caribbean Center at Florida International University. “Yes, he’s playing them.”

Manuel Coronel Kautz, Nicaragua’s vice minister of foreign relations, said in an interview that “Daniel Ortega has never made a proposal that wasn’t serious.”

American officials have been pressing Nicaragua for several years to get rid of its stockpile of more than 1,000 shoulder-fired, anti-aircraft missiles — one of the largest caches in the Western Hemisphere outside the United States. Ortega is offering to destroy 651 of his nation’s missiles, while keeping 400 that his military advisers say are necessary to maintain a balance of power with other Central American nations. Still, the destruction of more than 600 missiles would be a major coup for U.S. diplomats, and more than 22 times the number of missiles the United States helped destroy in Bolivia in 2005.

The diplomatic push to destroy Nicaraguan missiles is part of a worldwide effort that has led to the destruction of 17,000 shoulder-fired missiles in the past five years, according to State Department figures. More than 1 million of the weapons have been manufactured in countries around the world, including the United States, and while many of those have been destroyed, no one knows how many are still in circulation.

The campaign to eradicate missiles gained momentum after a 2002 attack in which two SA-7 missiles nearly struck an Israeli airliner in Mombasa, Kenya, and again after a 2003 strike on a cargo plane in Iraq that caused damage but no fatalities.

The following year the United States, concerned that the Nicaraguan missiles were vulnerable to theft, began paying to build a facility to store them. The missiles that American officials want to destroy are now kept in state-of-the-art bunkers that cost the United States $130,000 for construction and staff training, according to a State Department source. The United States also has funded weapons storage facilities in Cambodia and Bosnia, the source said.

Ortega offered to exchange missiles for medical supplies on July 31, saying “this won’t be a gift, but simply a barter with them.” Ambassador Trivelli, who declined multiple requests through a spokeswoman to be interviewed, told Nicaragua’s La Prensa newspaper that he would pass the offer along to U.S. authorities “with great pleasure.”

The offer has puzzled some in Nicaragua, particularly because Ortega has spent the ensuing weeks bashing the United States and trading broadsides with Trivelli in the Nicaraguan press. On Aug. 13, Ortega called the Sept. 11, 2001, terrorist attacks “insignificant” compared with the U.S. nuclear attacks on Hiroshima and Nagasaki during World War II. Trivelli said Ortega’s remark was “disappointing.”

Ortega lost the Nicaraguan presidency in 1990 after 11 years in office, then staged a comeback in last year’s presidential election, winning the top job in the Western Hemisphere’s second-poorest nation. Some U.S. officials believe that Ortega’s antagonistic rhetoric is an attempt to appeal to his left-leaning base and that his actions behind the scenes are much less hostile.

“This offer is an encouraging sign,” Avil Ramarez Valdivia, a former Nicaraguan defense minister who now heads an American chamber of commerce in Managua, said in an interview. “Ortega needs a justification for turning over the missiles, and the medicine deal could be it.”

A former Nicaraguan official who has been involved in past missile negotiations said the only way he could see the deal working would be if the Bush administration slipped additional money into an aid program, such as the U.S. government’s Millennium Challenge Corp., without openly admitting a quid pro quo.

Political posturing aside, the Nicaraguan leader might have the biggest incentive to make the missile deal happen, said Roger F. Noriega, the former top Western Hemisphere official at the State Department.

“If they get into the wrong hands,” Noriega said, “he’s going to be the one held accountable.”

3/26/2008

Filed under: General, global islands, nicaragua, wildlife — admin @ 5:16 am

Iran’s Push Into Nicaragua

Filed under: General, global islands, nicaragua, resource, usa — admin @ 5:13 am

MONKEY POINT, Nicaragua — The second military helicopter in as many days hovered over the jungle and then landed to a most unwelcome reception from several dozen angry Rama Indian and Creole villagers.

Rupert Allen Clear Duncan, a leader of some 400 Creole who live along the shoreline, confronted the foreigners dressed in suits and military uniforms that day in March and demanded to know the purpose of their aerial trespasses.

“This is our land; we have always lived here, and you don’t have our permission to be here,” Duncan spat, when refused the courtesy of an explanation.

Not until Duncan threatened to have his machete-waving followers damage the aircraft did they learn that some of the men were from the Islamic Republic of Iran and had come promising to establish a Central American foothold in the middle of their territory.

As part of a new partnership with Nicaragua’s Sandinista President Daniel Ortega, Iran and its Venezuelan allies plan to help finance a $350 million deep-water port at Monkey Point on the wild Caribbean shore, and then plow a connecting “dry canal” corridor of pipelines, rails and highways across the country to the populous Pacific Ocean. Iran recently established an embassy in Nicaragua’s capital.

In feeling threatened by Iran’s ambitions, the people of Monkey Point have powerful company. The Iranians’ arrival in Nicaragua comes as the Bush administration and some European allies hold the threat of war over Iran to force an end to its uranium enrichment program and alleged help to anti-U.S. insurgents in Iraq.

What worries state department officials, former national security officials and counterterrorism researchers is that, if attacked, Iran could stage strikes on American or allied interests from Nicaragua, deploying the Iranian terrorist group Hezbollah and Revolutionary Guard operatives already in Latin America. Bellicose threats by Iran’s clerical leadership to hit American interests worldwide if attacked, by design or not, heighten the anxiety.

“The bottom line is if there is a confrontation with Iran, and Iran gets bombed, I have absolutely no doubt that Iran is going to lash out globally,” said John R. Schindler, a veteran former counterintelligence officer and analyst for the National Security Agency.

“The Iranians have that ability, particularly from South America. Hezbollah has fronts all over Latin America. That is not new. But it’s certainly something we’re starting to care about now.”

American policymakers already had been fretting in recent years over Tehran’s successful forging of diplomatic relations, direct air routes and embassy swaps with populist South American governments that abhor the U.S., such as President Hugo Chávez’s Venezuela, Bolivia and Ecuador. But Iran’s latest move places it just a few porous borders from Texas, where illegal Nicaraguan laborers routinely travel…

3/24/2008

Nicaragua reports 65 deaths during Easter holiday

Filed under: General, global islands, nicaragua — admin @ 5:35 pm

MANAGUA — Nicaragua’s March 17-23 Easter holiday saw 29 fatal drowning cases, 27 murders and nine people killed in road accidents, Horacio Rocha, director of the National Police, said Sunday.

This is an improvement compared with 2007’s figure of 35 killings and 14 road deaths, Rocha said in a press conference.

Police arrested 400 people during the holiday season, seizing 136 weapons including 49 handguns, 61 knives and six home made weapons. They also seized 951 fireworks.

At the same press conference, Nicaragua’s Health Minister Guillermo Gonzalez, said that the 26 of the 29 drowned (89 percent) were women and that 17 of the drowned (60 percent) was linked to drinking.

3/21/2008

Fleeing traffickers dump 3,000 pounds of cocaine into ocean off Nicaragua

Filed under: General, global islands, nicaragua — admin @ 6:58 am

MANAGUA, Nicaragua: Drug traffickers fleeing Nicaraguan authorities and the U.S. Coast Guard dumped 3,300 pounds of cocaine into the ocean off Central America before escaping, police said Thursday.

Lawmen chased the traffickers along the coast from Tuesday afternoon into Wednesday, when the four ditched their boat at a beach just south of Puerto Cabezas, said Puerto Cabezas Police Chief Aquilino Alaniz.

The fugitives threw 50 packages of cocaine into the sea and abandoned their 24-foot boat, Navy commander Eduardo Sanders told Radio Nicaragua.

The boat was equipped with four 200-horsepower engines, Alaniz said.

The U.S. Coast Guard took part in the chase on the high seas, where it patrols to help monitor for drug trafficking and illegal fishing.

3/17/2008

back from Nicaragua

Filed under: General, global islands, nicaragua — admin @ 6:40 am

11/28/2007

Hurricane season - mild for U.S. but not the rest

Filed under: General, belize, global islands, nicaragua, panama, usa, weather — admin @ 6:03 am

For a second year in a row, the United States has escaped a severe hurricane hit, pushing memories of Hurricane Katrina and the flooding of New Orleans another notch into the past.

But for Mexico, Central America, and the Caribbean, the 2007 hurricane season ending on Friday has hardly been benign.

“No, not at all. The consequences for the poor have been very high,” said Judy Dacruz, a representative in Haiti of the International Organization for Migration.

The 14 tropical storms that formed in the Atlantic this season killed more than 200 people in Martinique, Jamaica, the Dominican Republic, Haiti, Nicaragua and Mexico and caused hundreds of millions of dollars in damage to often impoverished and vulnerable communities throughout the region.

U.S. experts and media have labeled initial predictions the six-month season would be busier than normal “a bust” because only one weak hurricane struck the United States — a far cry from 2005 when a record 28 storms formed, 15 of which strengthened into hurricanes, including Katrina.

The 14 storms beat the long-term average of 10 per season while the number of hurricanes, five — or six if you count Tropical Storm Karen which most weather experts expect will be posthumously upgraded — is about normal.

Yet most of the storms were perplexingly short-lived, lasting on average just 2.4 days, the lowest ratio since 1977, according to a noted hurricane season forecasting team at Colorado State University.

“Our 2007 seasonal hurricane forecast was not particularly successful. We anticipated an above-average season, and the season had activity at approximately average levels,” Philip Klotzbach, Bill Gray and other CSU forecasters said in an end-of-season report on Tuesday. The CSU team had predicted there would be 17 storms this year.

DIFFERENT VIEW

In the Caribbean and Central America, though, few were breathing sighs of relief.

In the Mexican town of Mahahual on the Yucatan Peninsula, Hurricane Dean destroyed a cruise ship pier which had been a key source of income. “Windows, doors, electrical systems — except for the basic structure of the hotel, everything was destroyed by Dean,” said Rodolfo Romero, owner of the boutique Hotel Arenas.

Dean, which became a maximum-strength Category 5 hurricane, killed at least 27 people as it roared through the Caribbean in August and struck the peninsula.

Hurricane Felix in September also became a Category 5 storm on the five-step scale of hurricane intensity, killing 102 and leaving another 133 missing in Nicaragua, according to the Pan-American Health Organization.

Dean and Felix were the first two Atlantic hurricanes since records began in 1851 to make landfall in the same season as Category 5 storms.

The last storm of the season, Noel, soaked the Dominican Republic and Haiti, killing more than 150 people as rivers broke their banks and surged through towns.

“It’s been very busy, especially in Central America but also in the Caribbean,” said Tim Callaghan, a senior official with the U.S. Agency for International Development in Latin America and the Caribbean. “We have provided disaster assistance to Dominica, Belize, St. Lucia, Jamaica, Nicaragua, Honduras, Costa Rica, the Dominican Republic, Haiti, Mexico.”

Even when no actual storm was swirling somewhere, unusually heavy rainfall characterized the wet season, washing away roads in Jamaica and flooding sugar fields in Cuba.

A rain-swollen river burst its banks at the end of October in Mexico, leaving four-fifths of Tabasco state under water and 800,000 homeless.

“The hurricane season was more intense this year on a regional level as there were states of alert in every country,” said Walter Wintzer, director of the Guatemala-based CEPREDENAC center for disaster prevention in Central America.

11/23/2007

American Indian Movement

Filed under: General, belize, global islands, government, human rights, nicaragua, panama, usa — admin @ 5:46 am

Indian people were never intended to survive the settlement of Europeans in the Western Hemisphere, our Turtle Island. With the strength of a spiritual base, AIM has been able to clearly articulate the claims of Native Nations and has had the will and intellect to put forth those claims.

The movement was founded to turn the attention of Indian people toward a renewal of spirituality which would impart the strength of resolve needed to reverse the ruinous policies of the United States, Canada, and other colonialist governments of Central and South America. At the heart of AIM is deep spirituality and a belief in the connectedness of all Indian people.
During the past thirty years, The American Indian Movement has organized communities and created opportunities for people across the Americas and Canada. AIM is headquartered in Minneapolis with chapters in many other cities, rural areas and Indian Nations.

AIM has repeatedly brought successful suit against the federal government for the protection of the rights of Native Nations guaranteed in treaties, sovereignty, the United States Constitution, and laws. The philosophy of self-determination upon which the movement is built is deeply rooted in traditional spirituality, culture, language and history. AIM develops partnerships to address the common needs of the people. Its first mandate is to ensure the fulfillment of treaties made with the United States. This is the clear and unwavering vision of The American Indian Movement.

It has not been an easy path. Spiritual leaders and elders foresaw the testing of AIM’s strength and stamina. Doubters, infiltrators, those who wished they were in the leadership, and those who didn’t want to be but wanted to tear down and take away have had their turns. No one, inside or outside the movement, has so far been able to destroy the will and strength of AIM’s solidarity. Men and women, adults and children are continuously urged to stay strong spiritually, and to always remember that the movement is greater than the accomplishments or faults of its leaders.

Inherent in the spiritual heart of AIM is knowing that the work goes on because the need goes on.

Indian people live on Mother Earth with the clear understanding that no one will assure the coming generations except ourselves. No one from the outside will do this for us. And no person among us can do it all for us, either. Self-determination must be the goal of all work. Solidarity must be the first and only defense of the members.

In November, 1972 AIM brought a caravan of Native Nation representatives to Washington, DC, to the place where dealings with Indians have taken place since 1849: the US Department of Interior. AIM put the following claims directly before the President of the United States:

1. Restoration of treaty making (ended by Congress in 1871).
2. Establishment of a treaty commission to make new treaties (with sovereign Native Nations).
3. Indian leaders to address Congress.
4. Review of treaty commitments and violations.
5. Unratified treaties to go before the Senate.
6. All Indians to be governed by treaty relations.
7. Relief for Native Nations for treaty rights violations.
8. Recognition of the right of Indians to interpret treaties.
9. Joint Congressional Committee to be formed on reconstruction of Indian relations.
10. Restoration of 110 million acres of land taken away from Native Nations by the United States.
11. Restoration of terminated rights.
12. Repeal of state jurisdiction on Native Nations.
13. Federal protection for offenses against Indians.
14. Abolishment of the Bureau of Indian Affairs.
15. Creation of a new office of Federal Indian Relations.
16. New office to remedy breakdown in the constitutionally prescribed relationships between the United States and Native Nations.
17. Native Nations to be immune to commerce regulation, taxes, trade restrictions of states.
18. Indian religious freedom and cultural integrity protected.
19. Establishment of national Indian voting with local options; free national Indian organizations from governmental controls
20. Reclaim and affirm health, housing, employment, economic development, and education for all Indian people.

11/21/2007

More than 100 Journalists Killed in 2007

Filed under: General, global islands, media, nicaragua, usa — admin @ 10:40 am

More than 100 journalists have been killed in 2007, the World Association of Newspapers said in its half-year report on press freedom worldwide, published today.

One hundred and six journalists died on duty in 28 countries, 45 of them killed in Iraq, where 150 media workers have lost their lives since 2003.

The number of journalists killed in 2007 is approaching the record 110 deaths last year.

The full report can be read here. The list of journalists killed, with details about their cases, can be found here.

The report also said:

- Journalists in Latin America continue to be the victims of murder, threats and harassment when investigating sensitive subjects such as corruption and drug trafficking. Government persecution and legal actions also hinder the work of the press, which nevertheless continues its unyielding battle for freedom of information.

- In the Middle East and North Africa, there are a growing number of independent newspapers that do not shy away from criticising the authorities and questioning the lack of democracy. Nonetheless, the general media scene is plagued by strict government control and legal action taken against anyone who dares question those in power.

- More and more journalists in sub-Saharan Africa are prosecuted and jailed on charges of “endangering state security,” whereas harsh repression through “insult laws” and criminal defamation continues. These repressive measures are the target of a new initiative from WAN and the World Editors Forum to improve conditions for journalists on the continent: the Declaration of Table Mountain, www.declarationoftablemountain.org/….

- Hostility toward independent and opposition media and attempts to silence them can again be seen in parts of Europe and Central Asia. Spurious charges of “extremism” and “anti-state” criminal charges remained an effective tool to hinder critical reporting.

- Asia is home to some of the most repressive regimes in the world, which suppress all dissident voices and forbid any form of independent media. Simmering ethnic, political and religious tensions exist in a number of countries.

The Paris-based WAN, the global organisation for the newspaper industry, defends and promotes press freedom and the professional and business interests of newspapers world-wide. Representing 18,000 newspapers, its membership includes 76 national newspaper associations, newspaper companies and individual newspaper executives in 102 countries, 12 news agencies and 10 regional and world-wide press groups.

11/14/2007

YATAMA

Filed under: General, global islands, government, nicaragua — admin @ 6:36 am

Yapti Tasba Masraka Nanih Aslatakanka (YATAMA) -or Sons of Mother Earth- is an indigenous party from Nicaragua’s Atlantic Coast. YATAMA has its roots in the MISURASATA (Miskito, Sumo and Rama Sandinista Alliance) and the MISURA/KISAN (Nicaraguan Coast Indian Unity) organisations. In 1988, in response to the Central American peace accords, the remnants of MISURASATA and MISURA/KISAN in Honduras, Costa Rica and Miami reorganized as YATAMA, united the traditional Miskitu leaders Steadman Fagoth and Brooklyn Rivera.

YATAMA has participated in several regional elections since 1990. Its best electoral result was in the autonomous elections on the Caribbean Coast in 1990 where they won 26 Regional Council member seat (out of 90).

BRIEF PROFILE OF THE PEOPLES OF YAPTI TASBA

The eastern part of Nicaragua along the Caribbean,
which is commonly known as the Atlantic Coast, is inhabited
by various native peoples and other populations of the
country. The Miskito, Sumo and Rama are the three indigenous
peoples found on the Atlantic Coast. Others in the region
include the creoles, garifunas and ladinos. The peoples of
the Atlantic coast, each of which has its own culture,
language and traditions, live in harmony. Their traditional
territory is Yapti Tasba (Mother Earth), which was passed to
them over millennia from their ancestors.

Yapti Tasba makes up approximately 38% of Nicaragua’s
territory and is inhabited by around 10% of the country’s
population. The indigenous peoples of the region comprise a
population of some 145,000 people who live primarily in
their traditional communities along the rivers, lagoons and
coastal areas of the region. The creole population is around
40,000 Caribbean-English speaking people who live primarily
in the urban centers in the southern part of the region.

The Garifuna (caribe) live in four communities located
near Pearl Lagoon and are estimated at around 1,500 people.
The ladino population totals some 80,000 inhabitants, is
part of the Nicaraguan Mestizo majority and is concentrated
primarily in the mining areas and in Bluefields.

Yapti Tasba has had an historical development entirely
different from that of the rest of Nicaragua, a factor which
today is manifest by its own cultural, social, economic and
ideological reality. The territory and the indigenous
peoples were not submitted to European colonization during
the 16th through 19th centuries. Instead, the indigenous
peoples enjoyed their self-determination until 1860, when
external forces arbitrarily reduced their territory to a
reserve with political and economic autonomous status. But
even that status was abolished entirely as a result of
military intervention on the part of forces from Managua in
1894.

From that time on, the indigenous peoples and the
creoles have been subjected to a long period of
marginalization, ethnocide and internal colonization by the
liberal-conservative governments and the Somocista
dictatorship. Furthermore, the natural resources of the
Yapti Tasba were pillaged during the irrational exploitation
by North American transnational companies acting in concert
with Managua governments.

Nonetheless, our peoples always have resisted all
colonial or neocolonial domination or submission, thus
preserving their survival and historical continuity as the
original peoples of the region. In 1973, ALPROMISU was
founded as the first ethno-political movement for the
defense and the promotion of the indigenous rights of the
Miskito and Sumo to their lands and resources.

With the triumph of the Sandinista Revolution in 1979,
the peoples of the Yapti Tasba enthusiastically and with
great expectation participated in the new national process,
promoting their collective aspirations. In November of the
same year, ALPROMISU became MISURASATA with the inclusion of
the Rama and the Sandinista term within the name of the
organization. Although at the beginning it appeared to
tolerate MISURASATA, the Sandinista Front from the start was
in fact intent on substituting itself through mass
organizations.

Similarly, Sandinistas were not sensitive to the
aspirations of our people nor to the nature of our society.
Instead, they reacted violently against the just claims of
the indigenous peoples in Yapti Tasba. Nonetheless, during
the first eighteen months the Sandinista government was in
power the native peoples participated in various aspects of
the revolutionary process of the country.

11/13/2007

In Nicaragua, a storm brews over aid handling

Filed under: General, global islands, government, human rights, nicaragua — admin @ 6:49 am

As the waters recede following more than 50 days of biblically proportioned rains that claimed more than 200 lives and caused an estimated $392 million in damage, a political storm is gathering over Nicaragua President Daniel Ortega’s handling of the disaster.

Allegations that the Sandinista Front is politicizing the distribution of humanitarian aid for Hurricane Felix has led to rumblings of rebellion on the coast and calls for an investigation by opposition lawmakers in Managua.

On Oct. 31, several hundred Miskito Indians from the northern Caribbean regional capital of Bilwi took over the airport’s storage warehouses in search of relief aid, which they claim is not getting to the communities that were devastated by the Category 5 storm two months ago.

Another group of angry citizens clashed with government sympathizers in front of city hall, while others threatened to ransack church storage facilities in search of food and relief supplies.

`TIME BOMB’

Osorno Coleman, a former anti-Sandinista rebel leader still known by the nom de guerre ”Blas,” told The Miami Herald that the situation on the Caribbean coast has become a “time bomb.”

”The government is politicizing the relief aid and the majority of the population is not receiving anything,” said Coleman, who leads an indigenous group called Yatama No Sandinista. “If the government continues this behavior, there could be more uprisings and it could start to get out of control.”

The relationship between Nicaragua’s Caribbean indigenous communities and the Sandinistas has been historically rocky. The Miskito communities suffered innumerable human rights abuses at the hands of the Sandinista government in the 1980s, some of which were outlined in a suit filed by the Miskitos with the Organization of American States’ Inter-American Commission on Human Rights.

Some South Florida aid organizations said that they were aware that some of the aid sent to Nicaragua was not getting through for political reasons, though they added that political meddling with relief aid is common when disasters occur.

”Unfortunately, it’s part of the business. It’s the way governments work everywhere,” said one relief agency representative, who asked to remain anonymous to avoid straining the relationship between the organization and the Nicaraguan government.

The main South Florida organization helping Nicaragua, the American Nicaraguan Foundation, said that it was not facing any problems with distribution of its aid.

”Our aid is getting where it needs to go,” said Federico Cuadra, an ANF spokesman.

Government opponents claim the Sandinistas are using the controversial Councils of Citizen Power (CPCs) — citizen partisan groups that the Sandinista government is creating all over the country — to control the distribution of government aid to party loyalists. Critics claim that the CPCs are using aid distribution to recruit others to join their organization, and thereby strengthen the Sandinista party base heading into next year’s municipal elections.

In the depressed inland region known as the mining triangle, frustration with the Sandinistas’ tactics is also reaching a boiling point, according to opposition party officials and community leaders.

POLITICAL MANEUVER

Víctor Manuel Duarte, a Liberal Party lawmaker from the mining town of Siuna, said the Sandinistas are attempting to use relief aid to undermine local government officials and win over voters.

Duarte said he fears the Sandinistas’ meddling and alleged harassment of local officials could lead to a resurgence of small groups of rearmed Contras in a region that was haunted by rearmed groups throughout the 1990s.

The situation is equally grim for the Miskito communities living in the nearby forests.

Nicanor Polanco, a former anti-Sandinista rebel leader who represents 340 demobilized Miskito combatants, says his community has received no government assistance since the hurricane destroyed their village and crops, and now his people are getting sick. Instead of helping, he says, the government is making recovery impossible by prohibiting the indigenous communities from harvesting and selling the fallen timber from trees leveled by the storm.

The government says the logging ban is to prevent uncontrolled cutting and timber trafficking, but indigenous communities like Polanco’s claim that if they can’t sell their wood, they won’t have money to buy seeds to replant basic food crops.

”It’s ugly and now it’s organized,” he said, referring to the growing opposition movement. “This could get violent and who knows where it will lead.”

Hurricane Felix ripped across the northeastern corner of Nicaragua on Sept. 4, leaving 244 people dead or missing and 22,000 homes damaged or destroyed, in addition to obliterating crops and leveling huge swaths of virgin forest. The region’s fishing and lobster industry — one of the main sources of economic livelihood in the region — has been all but wiped out.

Nicaragua is not the only region that suffered from recent natural disasters.

In Hispaniola, Tropical Storm Noel last month killed 142 people. At least 100 communities are still cut off by water two weeks after the storm.

In Cuba, Noel caused more than $500 million in damages to crops, homes and roads, the government reported last week.

Beyond Nicaragua’s northeastern region, six weeks of subsequent rains throughout the rest of the country resulted in thousand of people relocated to shelters, massive crop and cattle loss, and thousands of miles of roads washed out, prompting Ortega to declare a nationwide state of disaster Oct. 19.

GLOBAL HELP

The international community has provided millions in relief aid and funding to Nicaragua.

The United States has contributed more than $4.7 million in humanitarian relief, plus helicopter transportation to isolated communities and $7 million in funding for low-interest rate loans for reconstruction.

The World Food Program, which is helping to distribute international aid directly to the communities hit hardest by the storm, said the process is “going fairly well.”

”We have a distribution system that works and we’re confident with it,” said William Hart, resident representative of the World Food Program.

However, Hart said the aid his group is distributing is covering less than half of the 200,000 people affected by the storm.

”As in most emergencies, when people are severely affected and hungry, it’s never fast enough,” Hart said, “and it’s never enough for enough people.”

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